Gods and Goddesses
Here are some links to more information that you may find interesting.
Dwarf Names Spinn Names Teutonik Glossery
A clear, straightforward expression of the way many (perhaps
most) true folk see the god/esses of the North is put forth
by Gamlinginn in his statement of troth, "Hér
Stend Ek".
The Pentagram and the Hammer
Devyn
Gillette and Lewis Stead
The following article is based on the workshop "Wicca
and Ásatrú", which was presented by the writers
during the 1994 FreeSpirit Festival. Devyn Gillette is a
English Traditional Wiccan, and former host of the Pagan
radio show "Between the Worlds." Lewis Stead is an
Asatruar who edits Asatru Today.
For
a considerable amount of time, Ásatrúar have tirelessly
debated where they, as a unique sect within Pagandom, relate
(or fail to relate) with their earth-spiritual peers. During
the last few years, this debate has featured considerable
critique concerning Wicca, from whence a fair number of
recent Ásatrú practitioners had first nurtured their
heathen spiritual development. At the other end of this
spectrum lie, of course, the Wiccans, many of whom remain
oblivious to the sometimes raging debates concerning them
that the Ásatrúar are fond of. Many Wiccans, particularly
eclectics, indulge in Germanic practices without reason to
suspect (or without concern) that a cadre of Germanic
purists are shouting at them from over the heaths. In
between these two distinct camps lie those who remain
carefree of the matter, and who disregard anyone who would
comment on what "is working for them." This
article may, at first, seem tiresome to those who have been
debating such matters, but we hope to express this concern
on a level that (so far as we are aware) has not been
engaged in before. Rather than provide a reactionary
response from either Pagan perspective, we aim to carefully
and definitively demonstrate exactly how and where the (few)
relationships and (many) differences between Ásatrú and
Wicca exist. To do so, this booklet approaches the matter
from the perspectives of anthropology and sociology,
treating both Wicca and Ásatrú with the rigors of an
ethnographic comparison. As a result, it must be understood
by the reader that this review will explain matters as they
pertain to the general whole of each Pagan denomination, and
therefore numerous subtle differences may elude this
comparison. An Alexandrian coven, for example, may not
approach its theology or means to ritual the same way a
Dianic coven will, nor will kindred's loyal to Odhinn view
heathen matters the same way a hearth dedicated to Tyr may.
An article reviewing basic predominant distinctions between
Wicca and Ásatrú can only make use of basic predominant
circumstances. Wiccans in particular may find some of the
statements here particularly challenging, and it should be
understood that this not based on any desire to heavily
criticize Wicca, but an approach that uses the most testable
facts available. Even before similarities and differences
can be addressed, the first issue that deserves mention is
the simple fact that Ásatrú and Wicca possess distinctly
separate origination histories. This is not, it seems,
always understood. We have witnessed a common assumption
(particularly among Wiccans) that Ásatrú is a branch-off
from the general post-1960s Pagan upsurge, and from Wicca in
particular. This is not so. Interestingly, the renaissance
of both Wicca and Ásatrú do seem to develop at more or
less the same time, although in different locations. An
extremely brief history review is in order:
Elaborate
(and largely unsubstantiated) claims to ancient familial
lineages aside, Wicca essentially developed as an organic
and popular movement that can trace its impetus to the
efforts of English civil servant and folklorist Gerald
Brosseau Gardner (1884-1964) and author Doreen Valiente.
Gardner himself became involved in witchcraft circa 1934,
but Gardnerianism, as a sect, did not likely develop until
well after the repeal of the English anti-witchcraft laws in
1951. Much of Gardner's efforts owed itself to the works of
various theorists, including anthropologist Margaret Murray,
occultist Aleister Crowley, folklorist James Frazer, and
poet Robert Graves. Ritual structure was further influenced
by societies such as the Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn,
the Ordo Templi Orientis, and Co-Masonry. Hallmarks of the
practice evolved over time, but generally feature (1) an
orthodox hierarchy typically governed by a Priestess, (2)
gender-based dualism of deity, (3) magical practices
(largely graftings from the above-mentioned societies
coupled with British Isles folklore), (4) the notion of
"perfect couples" (i.e., equal numbers of males
and females, paired), and (5) ritual nudity (called "skyclad").
These hallmarks eventually would identify a coven as being
"traditionalist". The entire phenomenon received a
major boost in the late 1970s-early 1980s when this
community began to merge convergently with feminism and the
development of what is now known as Dianic Wicca, which
tended to be more egalitarian, political-minded, and
celebratory. The current phenomenon of Wiccan eclecticism
(essentially an "anti-tradition") is largely the
result of the social and theological convergence between
these two camps. Currently, Wicca remains the largest Pagan
denomination, although considerable diffusion with the New
Age and other exterior phenomena has (in the opinions of
many old-school traditionalists) taxed the character and
depth of the movement. Debate continues between
traditionalists and eclectics, from whom the majority of
cross-cultural theology can be attributed. Ásatrú, on the
other hand, developed for the most part independently from
Wicca, and more importantly for the purposes of this
examination, Ásatrú's self-image has been one of an
independent religion, rather than a denomination within a
greater Pagan community. American Ásatrú begins in the
early 1970s with Stephen McNallen's Viking Brotherhood which
evolved into the Ásatrú Free Assembly. McNallen and many
other early figures in Ásatrú were familiar with the
Wiccan community. However, studies of Norse and Icelandic
history and mythology combined with contact with other Norse
Pagan groups in Iceland and England, led to a quick
evolution away from the Wiccan community and from Wiccan
models of theology or ritual practice. Virtually from the
beginning, Ásatrú developed its own ritual structures,
magazines, gatherings, and terminology; and by the
mid-seventies was a completely separate community. Ásatrú
continued to be a small and fairly insular group with little
contact with other Pagans until the late 1980s when the AFA
broke up. Out of the AFA's demise, two groups rose to the
forefront: the Ásatrú Alliance representing a
traditionalist approach and the Ring of Troth representing
several new directions. The Alliance is for the most part a
reconstituted AFA, dominated by prior AFA members and even
acting as the distributor of AFA publications.
The
Alliance is for the most part a reconstituted AFA, dominated
by prior AFA members and even acting as the distributor of
AFA publications. It remains small and marginal because of
an insular organizational mentality and a tolerance for a
large and vocal racist contingent. The other major group to
come out of the AFA's breakup, the Ring of Troth, has
developed into a loose network of "Germanic"
practitioners ranging from Norse Wiccan to Ásatrú. It is
from this group, that much of the current contact (and
subsequent conflict) between Wiccans and Ásatrúar has come
to the forefront--often involving organizational
difficulties the Ring has had in attempting to straddle
various Norse groups. The majority of the Ásatrú community
is best thought of as independent although it may have some
unofficial or semi-official connections to a larger group.
Much of this independence is because of equal suspicion of
the Wiccan-influences or other innovations in the Ring of
Troth and racist elements in the Ásatrú Alliance. The Ring
makes up roughly 25% of kindred's. The Alliance is a small
5%, but has greater influence because so many "old
time" Ásatrúar are members. Stephen McNallen has
announced a new AFA, this time to be the Ásatrú Folk
Assembly, but this group appears to be tiny and dominated by
a largely secular racial agenda. Here then are the
similarities between Wicca and Ásatrú: They are both Pagan
earth religions. They both apply magic in their practices.
They both feature an element of reification (i.e., basis on
a romanticized notion of the past). While there may exist
groups that individually feature more similarities, as far
as the entirety of each faith is concerned, there are no
other similarities.
Pagan
Earth Religion
Simply put, both Wicca and Ásatrú feature respect and
reverence for the earth. To the Ásatrúar, She is Nerthus,
and to the Wiccan, She can be identified as Gaea, Mother
Earth, whatever; but both believe that spirit lies in the
earth and that the earth is something (Someone?) to be
respected. This ideology is rampant throughout Wiccan
writings, and the works of Wilfred von Dauster (former
editor of Mountain Thunder) and others are testament to its
presence in Ásatrú. Curiously, some have questioned
whether this is really true for Ásatrú. Some highly
eco-aware Wiccans, for example, may balk that Norse Pagans,
being generally more conservative (more on this later),
might be prone to support legislation that is
anti-environmental, or that the Ásatrú ritual of
"land taking" (i.e., ownership) defies most
understandings of land stewardship. To "own" the
land, such a person would argue, is inherently
"un-Pagan." For their own sake, many Ásatrú
reject the label of "earth religion" and while
environmentalism is important, veneration of the Earth
Goddess is not a dominant feature of Ásatrú; Nerthus being
merely another deity among many. While some of these
assertions may have some limited merit, it is also true that
Ásatrú tends to feature a reverence of local land spirits
on a greater scale than many Wiccans seem to, with entire
holidays devoted to the reverence of "minor" local
spirits. If analysis from currently popular "how
to" books are any indication, Wiccans by and large may
be more interested in the respectful occult use of the land
(herbalism), but Ásatrúar seem to pay more attention to
the making of votive offerings to land spirits. In fact, it
may even be argued that the only Pagan sect who seem to
surpass Ásatrúar in deliberate, ritualized, habitual
votive statement to the earth may be indigenous peoples such
as the Native Americans. Both communities also engage in
environmental social activities which are linked to their
religion. Wiccans may be involved in camping, hiking, or
backpacking, while Ásatrúar take up "out-doorsman"
sports such as hunting or fishing. There is an interest in
herbalism, alternative healing, and natural foods among both
communities. In both cases these are not directly religious
activities, but are part of a general hearkening back
towards nature which finds its original impulse in the
environmental orientation of each faith.
Use
of Magic
As will be explained later, the relationship between magic
and votive ritual is key matter where Ásatrú and Wicca
differ. Nevertheless, and like many other Pagan (and some
non-Pagan) religions, they share the general belief in and
use of magic in common.
Reification
With The Past
Both Wicca and Ásatrú feature central tenets that rely on
romanticized concepts about the past. For Ásatrú, this is
absolutely vital and very plain to see: the cultures of the
Germanic peoples (Norse, Teutons, Saxons), complete with
their folklore and heritage are central to entire core of
Ásatrú. Ásatrú is a reconstruction of the past and
cannot exist without it. In addition, while Ásatrú prides
itself on a reliance of academically legitimate historical
sources, there is a large element of romanticism which
ignores the inequalities, injustices, and difficulties of
ancient Norse culture. Reification tendencies are less acute
in Wicca, but it is nevertheless significant. In Wicca, the
predominant culture of choice is that of the Celts, which
reflects the British Isles origins of Wicca itself, although
various others may approach Wicca with a Greco-Roman
framework. Rarer still, (but noteworthy) are Wiccans who
idealize the Sumerians, Native Americans, Egyptians, or
other cultures. Those who do not identify with a particular
culture often identify their religion with an ancient
matriarchal period or some other historical or
pseudo-historical golden age. Romantic, idealized
reificiation with the past is central to both Ásatrú and
Wicca, perhaps to modern Paganism in general. That's it.
There are no other significant similarities between Wicca
and Ásatrú that we have ascertained. These similarities
may seem so extremely general as to be virtually pointless.
This is exactly our point. Even with these similarities,
clarifications of some differences were necessary, or
perhaps obvious. Here then are the key differences between
Ásatrú and Wicca:
Meaning
Of The Term
Most any anthropologist will tell you that a decent
identifier for a people's beliefs and priorities will lie in
its approach toward symbolism. Language, it can be
suggested, is essentially a system of verbal symbols, from
which we can also suggest which notions and ideas are
prioritized among a given people. With this in mind, let's
treat the very meanings of the words "Wicca" and
"Ásatrú" as a verbal symbol for analysis. The
etymology of the word "Wicca" has been under close
debate for some time, and frequently for reasons that have
more to do with impressing an ideology than fair linguistic
study. The generally acknowledged meaning is that it derives
from an Anglo-Saxon root meaning to "bend, or to
shape," although other arguments suggest it means
"wise." If we accept the definition
"wise," then the priority of its members is clear:
to be wise, to have wisdom. If we accept the definition
"to bend or to shape," then we have space for
subjectivity. It could be inferred that the meaning is to
bend or shape the cosmos, as in working magic, or to bend or
shape as in being malleable (such as bending a reed for a
basket). In being malleable, this suggests an ability to
shift, to "bend" in the sense of social or
subcultural adaptivity. Given some claims that Wicca
possesses origins in the distant past, this suggestion makes
sense. However, it can also simply suggest that
"Wicca" is willing to "bend, or shape"
other matters as well (such as folklore, which we may accuse
it of doing at times). "Ásatrú", on the other
hand, bears no suggestion of such malleability. Simply, the
term means "faith of (or loyalty to) the Aesir"
(in practice to Aesir and Vanir alike) in plain, simple,
direct, specific words. To be Wicca means to be wise
(perhaps), able to bend and shape certainly. To be Ásatrú
(as far as the term is concerned) means to be loyal to a
distinct and specific clan of Gods and the culture
identified with it. One is open to personal interpretation
and suggests a casual resolve to its application, shifting
and bending its senses to suit its purposes and the desires
of its adherents. The other is clear, defined, leaving
little room for waywardness, suggesting a more stringent
clarification of membership than the other. Perhaps
unsurprisingly, these terms clearly also reflect the
character of each group and their reputations.
Symbols
Here
the differences are obvious. The predominant symbol for
Wicca (and for many, Paganism in general) is the pentagram.
The predominant Ásatrú symbol is, of course, the hammer.
While various interpretations for the pentagram abound, a
common understanding of the religious meaning of the symbol
is that it represents five equidistant elements: Earth, Air,
Fire, Water, and Spirit, each bound within the circle of
life, death, and rebirth. Here then is a display of a
central ideology behind Wicca: to live one's life in harmony
with these elements, representative of features of the self,
and in union with the cycles of nature. There are other
interpretations of the pentagram such as a human figure,
limbs outstretched bound by the cosmos or the cycle of
nature, but nearly all of these explanations of the
pentagram examine it as a glyph with a symbolic importance
other than as a simple symbol of the faith. Little
interpretation is needed to understand the hammer. The
symbol is taken from myth, and represents Thor's Hammer,
Mjollnir, with which the God kills various giants and thus
protects the lands of the Gods. Rather than a glyph
symbolizing a complicated metaphysical statement, the hammer
is a simple object taken from a specific myth. However, one
can derive some understanding of the religion from it. The
image of a weapon of war as a symbol for the religion is
significant, as much of Ásatrú theology and mythology is
based not on harmony between various deities or between man
and the universe as expressed by the pentagram, but a
relationship of conflict.
However,
Ásatrúar themselves are not nearly as elegant in their
explanations of the symbol. For most, it is simply the
accepted symbol in modern times as well as being the ancient
symbol for the religion worn during the dual faith period by
Ásatrú's adherents to differentiate themselves from
Christian newcomers.
Theology
Many
persons cite non-monotheism as one of the similarities
between the various Pagan religions and this is something
which Ásatrú and Wicca share. However, a more complete
examination reveals more theological differences than
similarities. Wicca is predominantly pantheistic, Ásatrú
polytheistic. These two approaches possess subtle
differences that some may not fully appreciate, but which
can have vast implications. This matter of theology is also
one of the primary factors in the rationale of those Wiccans
who embrace Ásatrú or Ásatrú-like elements in their
practice (i.e., "Norse Wicca"), and in general
disregard the Ásatrú critique of this endeavor. Extreme
monism, or pantheism (from the Greek "pan," all,
and "theos," God) is the theistic belief that the
universe itself is divine, that the "all" (or
"the is," as Richard Bach writes) is God.
Throughout philosophic history, this divine totality has
been expressed in a number of different contexts:
"logos," "fate", "Zeus," etc.
In his Magickal Rites From The Crystal Well, Ed Fitch (a
respected author of Wiccan material despite the criticisms
received for his Rites of Odin) argues that all of Wicca is
essentially pantheist. While there are Wiccan systems and
traditions that would challenge this assertion, Fitch is at
least accurate enough in that the majority of the Wiccan
community certainly seem to be pantheist. The polytheist
(from the Greek "polus," many, and "theos,"
God) on the other hand, may agree that the universe (or at
least the earth) possesses a divine nature, but would argue
that a multiplicity of separate and distinct divinities are
involved through a complex web of relationships. Polytheism
argues that as distinct entities, the Gods represent unique
and individual characteristics that may or may not always
seem (to us) to be in harmony with one another. But unlike
many pantheists who often desire to express the
interconnectedness of the sacred universe, polytheists do
not necessarily seek (or believe in) the existence of such
harmony. Thus, while the pantheist seeks spiritual
development through harmony and balance as being
self-evident, the polytheist, particularly the Germanic
polytheist, may prefer to experience the spiritual nature of
conflict. Assuming a polytheist would desire balance,
therefore, it is more likely that he or she would
theologically seek it through a concerted effort to make it
so, rather than assume its existence in the first place.
The
central cosmologies between (traditionalist) Wicca and
Ásatrú support this point. As a rule of thumb, the general
cosmology among Wiccans concerns the Goddess, She of Many
Names, who is complemented by Her Consort, Son and Lover,
the Horned God. This deity framework is often represented
within contexts of balance (e.g., Goddess' half of the year,
God's half of the year; Goddess=lunar, God=solar; etc). Even
when times of conflict do ritually occur (e.g., Oak King v.
Holly King at the solstices), the outcome is predetermined
and expresses a universal balance of forces. Even the
pentagram, being a geometrically perfect icon, suggests
this. Ásatrú, on the other hand, being based on the
cosmology of the ancient Germanic peoples, defies such neat
systematic packaging. Ultimately, the entire cosmological
system revolves around the preparations of the coming of
Ragnarok, a final battle at which the Gods will do battle
with various evil entities and as a result of which the
world will be destroyed and the majority of the Gods killed.
Mythologically speaking then: the overall theological
message in Wicca is essentially one of keeping attuned with
natural cycles, while the overall message in Ásatrú
involves continued vigilance and struggle for the same
spiritual development. Considering this, it becomes clearly
understandable why the "Norse Wiccan" phenomenon
exists at all and why Ásatrúar find it so objectionable.
This has much to do with the magical concept of "names
of power" and its relationship with the application of
Jungian psychological theory in Paganism. Pantheistically,
the Germanic Gods represent another series of such
"great names" which the Wiccan or pantheist is
free to explore and ritually address. By evoking such names
of power, this Wiccan hopes to identify with the folkloric
and mythological essences (archetype), within and without,
represented by that name. With this perspective, combined
with the understanding that the entirety of the universe is
divine (and thus accessible to everybody), Norse Wiccans
fail to comprehend (or ignore) the criticisms expressed by
Ásatrúar. As polytheists, Ásatrúar do not recognize
"names of power" for the Gods--to the polytheist,
the Gods are individuals, distinct from those of other
faiths. The notion that they are names for the pantheistic
"greater Godhead" is foreign to the polytheist
understanding of deity, and is often found offensive.
Pantheists would call such names in an understanding that
they are "just another option," where polytheists
view such names as "the only option," and
therefore sacrosanct to those of kith and kin to Them. In
analyzing conflict between Wiccan and Ásatrú communities,
this particular concept cannot be underestimated,
particularly in the case of Ásatrú and Norse Wicca. There
is nothing more infuriating to each side than Norse Wiccans
insisting they are the same thing as Ásatrú, while
Ásatrúar insist they are completely unrelated. The
Ásatrúar view the Wiccans as pushy and trying to take over
their faith, while the Wiccans view the Ásatrúar as
intolerant and fundamentalist in their beliefs.
Metaphysical
Foundation
By "metaphysical foundation," we are referring to
the very core foundation that underlies the metaphysical
(rather than the theological, which is expressed above)
essences of both Wicca and Ásatrú. Even a cursory glance
at the history and practices of Wicca will clearly mark it
as a phenomenon that began as an occult movement that only
later developed its present religious nature. This is an
extremely important point for this analysis. In this
context, Wicca is a mystery religion which, it is suggested,
is based on the ecstatic practices of ancient European
peoples. As a rule of thumb, many covens involve themselves
with "the mysteries," typically meaning esoteric
understandings of various mythological or ritual events.
Aidan Kelly's research on the foundations of Gardnerianism
(while hardly free from criticism) strongly suggests that
the priorities of Gardner's activity was ritual magic,
rather than any particular form of worship. That the
earliest writings of the "Bok of Ye Art Magical,"
understood as predecessor to the Gardnerian Book of Shadows,
contains multiple references to the God of Christendom makes
this suggestion all the plainer. Wicca has always
prioritized its practices to magic before religious
veneration. This is further suggested in the amount of time
reserved for the creation of a "formal" ritual
circle (much of which is based on Masonic and OTO practices)
as compared to devotional activity, and the amount of time
by Wiccan tutors to instruct students with magical workings
rather than devotional efforts. While Wicca has developed an
extensive religious and theological focus, this origin as a
type of magical lodge remains a significant force in the
faith. Ásatrú, however, is mainly a votive religion. While
mysteries and magic are found in Ásatrú, they are
typically reserved for activities that are separate and
distinct from the main religious work. In Ásatrú, magical
work, including such things as workings with the runes or
seidhr, is likely to be found in specialist groups such as
the Rune Gild. It is generally done as an activity in
addition to a worship ritual rather than as part of one.
That the primary Ásatrú rituals are simple, and require
minimal "sacred space construction," adds to this
argument--complexities of magical work are found in the
appropriate specialist group. Underlining all specialist
groups, whether they gather for magical work or brewing or
studying the Havamal, is a common thread: that they take
part in blots--that they engage in votive statement as well
as mystery work. One is not an Ásatrúar because one
practices Rune magic or seidhr; one is an Ásatrúar because
one venerates and makes offerings to the Aesir and Vanir. It
could be said that Wicca is a religion that evolved out of a
magical group, while Ásatrú is a religion out of which
have evolved magical groups. You will find Ásatrúar of
many years experience who have never experimented with
magic, it's almost impossible to think of a Wiccan in such a
situation.
Historical
Foundation
One of the most significant social characteristics in Wicca
seems to be a common desire to appropriate a sense of
"ancientness" to its practice. Whether we regard
such claims as being genuine or not, the fact remains that
an extraordinary number of Wiccan practitioners may make
assertions to a direct connection with distant familial
lineages (often connected with the European "witch
craze") or other exotic individuals or groups from
which the particulars of their tradition and training are
handed down directly. Typically, such statements seem
unconfirmable, either due to the death of the tutor, or
geographic distance, or some other such reason. This
practice was so prreviewent at one time that the assertions
behind the late Alexander Sanders' entry into Wicca served
as the model for what became called "grandmother
stories." The terms "hereditary," and "famtrad"
(family tradition) have also been applied to these
assertions. What is interesting is that such claims are
often made repeatedly and often during the initial stages of
a social meeting. Pagan persons who have had the privilege
of doing extensive national networking are a wealth of
anecdotes of such dialogues. What is also interesting is
that such assertions sometimes become the subject of social
ridicule and argument between two or more persons who each
persist in claiming some undefinable sovereignty over a
particular matter, based on their asserted lineage with
ancient practice and its superiority to the claims of
others. Many persons, of course, do not behave in such
fashions, but the habit seems commonplace enough among some
Wiccans that terms for such behavior has developed: witch
wars, bitchcraft, and warlocking. One may compare the claims
of lineage with ancient European witchcraft to the
assertions made by many occult lodges that they are the
modern descendents of the Knights Templar, esoteric
Freemasonry, or other ancient "mystery schools."
Certainly, Ásatrúar are not free from the same human
characteristics that develop arguments. However, it is
noteworthy that most Ásatrúar do not seem to possess as
much a predilection for asserting (often cross-cultural)
claims to a direct connection with ancient or esoteric
practice as Wiccans do. In fact, those few who have made
such claims are generally considered laughingstocks.
Likewise, Wicca has a tendency to become influenced by
various scholarly trends, particularly with anthropology.
Much of Gardner's assertions were based (according to Kelly)
on the theories postulated by Margaret Murray, and the
current Dianic development owes a great deal to the theories
expressed by Marija Gimbutas. While the work of both Murray
and Gimbutas are anthropological theory, many Wiccans seem
to embrace them as fact. It is very possible (and very
Freudian to suggest, but here it is anyway) that these two
social characteristics exist among Wiccans because the
Wiccan `religion' (while truthfully existing as such) is
based on suppositions. We suggest that these tendencies
reflect a need to consistently validate itself, to continue
to reify its existence, i.e., the interest in lineage among
covens has as much to do with offsetting Wicca's lack of
history as it does with preserving magical integrity. In
terms of Ásatrú/Wiccan conflict, this tendency is
sometimes exploited by Ásatrúar who very casually (and
loudly) dismiss Wicca as a "made up" religion.
Ásatrú,
while not necessarily referred to by that name, is
historical--not in the sense that it is a faith with an
uninterrupted history stretching into the past, but in that
it is a recreation of a religion that did exist in history,
recreated through modern research. The beliefs and practices
of ancient Ásatrú can be confirmed academically through a
myriad of historical accounts, texts, and chronicles. We
know who the Northmen and the Teutons and the Saxons were
worshipping and we have an idea how they were doing it. As a
result, claims to direct ancient lineages become irrelevant.
Reification is made by using historical research to recreate
the ancient faith as it was. Ásatrú in some ways mirrors
Wicca's conflicts in regards to history resource and
legitimacy. Where Wiccans argue about direct lineage in
order to give their particular approach credence in
intracommunity disputes, Ásatrú has developed a tendency
to cite historical examples, often obscure, to legitimize
practices and beliefs out of the Ásatrú mainstream. The
result is often academic/historical sources being cited in a
way similar to Protestants citing Biblical references along
with the adherent problems of selectivity and lack of
context. The Ásatrú fascination with academic minutae
often reaches a point at which one suspects some Ásatrúar
would be willing to revise their core religious beliefs if a
new academic source could be found. Wicca is a contemporary
approach to a supposed religion. Ásatrú is a contemporary
approach to a known religion. Wicca occasionally feels a
stigma in being a "contemporary approach" because
it secretly desires to be the survivor of an unbroken
tradition. Ásatrú couldn't care less because it
understands that its traditions have always changed in
different times and circumstances, and so what it does now
to reflect its belief is as nifty to them as what their
spiritual predecessors did in the fifth century.
Misrepresentative
Taboo
Misrepresentative taboo involves a matter where a community
is misunderstood just enough to equate it with an unsavory
element that it bears no relationship with. Until very
recently, newspaper journalists have habitually linked Wicca
with Satanism during their coverage of occult-related news.
That this is changing is testimony to the hard-won efforts
of various Wiccan networks and individuals who have made it
a priority to educate the media, law enforcement, and the
public at large that Wicca and Satanism bear no relationship
with one another (despite what Anton LaVey may entitle his
books). However, this does not necessarily mean that the
conscious taboo which misrepresents Wicca and devil-worship
is in the past, and the unfortunate experiences of some
persons (and the ravings of ill-informed Christian
fundamentalists) will testify to. Satanism is the key
misrepresentative taboo to Wicca, although the New Age
phenomenon is quickly becoming a close second for this
distinction. For Ásatrú, the taboo is Neo-Naziism and
white supremacist movements. In this case, it is not purely
misrepresentation as there is some linkage between the two
movements. Norse Pagan symbols were used by the German nazi
party to muster support from the German people and Ásatrú
has been plagued by people identifying themselves as
Ásatrúar who have linked racist views to the faith. These
have ranged from sincere believers who were also racists to
those who have cynically used the faith as a cover for a
purely political ideology. However, these people make up and
have made up a very small number of people when compared to
those who see the issue as irrelevant or abhorrent. Even in
groups which are frequented or controlled by racially
oriented practitioner, a large minority silently sees the
question as irrelevant. However, one would not assume this
given Norse Paganism's reputation within the Wiccan-oriented
community. This is one of the key differences between Wiccan
and Ásatrúar misrepresentation: where it occurs. Wicca's
problems have been almost exclusively with the non-Pagan
community. The use of the term "witch" and symbols
such as the pentagram have made this sort of
misidentification simple to understand. Ásatrú's problems
with misrepresentation, on the other hand, have been almost
exclusively within the Pagan community. Mainstream society
is ignorant of Ásatrú, and unless a group uses a swastika,
it is more likely to generate thoughts of Hagar the Horrible
or Thor comics in the mind of mainstream society. This has
had interesting effects on each community. Wicca's
extra-community misrepresentation has led those groups so
identified to group together to fight common problems. It is
common to hear in the Pagan community that various groups
need to come together in order to fight the common enemy,
who is almost exclusively defined as external to the
community. Ásatrú's misrepresentative taboo has tended to
isolate it from other forms of Paganism and to some extent
to isolate some Ásatrú groups from others. This may be one
of the reasons Ásatrú has retained its own distinctive
community and character.
Intra-Group
Strata
There are some interesting similarities and differences
between the various social relationships that exist within
both the Wiccan and Ásatrú communities. Traditionalist
Wiccans, by and large, meet in groups (usually identified as
"covens," "groves," "circles,"
or rarely "orders") that are frequently
hierarchical, which reflects Wicca's underlying
characteristics as a mystery religion. Authority is
typically invested in a Priestess, although a Priestess may
or may not work alongside a Priest, and such authority very
often is based on consensual respect of the Priestess in
question, as opposed to the members responding to a demand
of subservience. Even among non-traditionalist (eclectic)
Wiccans, rituals very often retain this same model of
organization, even if only in name. Likewise, most
well-established traditionalist Wiccans operate through some
means of initiatory framework with its members, also
reflective of Wicca's mystery religion nature. Such groups
often feature various "degrees of elevation,"
implying that a reasonably structured means of spirito-magical
development may be offered by the Priestess involved, who
serves her coven as a mentor and tutor. This instructional
relationship is very important to Wicca and the
teacher/student relationship is often the primary one in a
coven. The fact that such initiatory degrees exist is
testimony to Wicca's strong genealogical relationship to
other occult distinctions such as Freemasonry and ceremonial
magic societies such as the Ordo Templi Orientis. With very
few exceptions, Ásatrú groups (usually identified as
"kindreds," "hearths," or rarely "steadings")
do not seem to feature the same tendency to initiatory
hierarchy that Wiccan groups proliferate with. This is very
likely because Ásatrú, unlike Wicca, is not directly a
mystery religion even though it can and does feature
mystery-related material such as runic magic. Early Ásatrú
was heavily influenced by somewhat romantic notions of
Icelandic democracy and many groups consist of equal
individuals with a single or few leaders who's role is
generally organizational rather than theological. Even where
there is some type of heirarchical structure, that structure
is mainly administrative rather than theological. The
leaders function is largely answering mail and organizing
events. While such leaders, frequently known as Gothi or
Gythia (Priest or Priestess) lead rituals, their leadership
of rituals is not reflective of a greater level of spiritual
development or rank. In fact, the choice of who leads
rituals may be based on such mundane criteria as where the
ritual is being held or how well ones voice carries. In
cases where groups have methods for training and validating
clergy, such as the Ring of Troth's "Elder Training
Program" the role recognizes greater academic
knowledge, but rarely implies a greater level of spiritual
development. In close relationship to issues of leadership,
one of the distinctive attributes of Wicca is the domination
of a student teacher relationship between members of a coven
and the coven leader. In fact, in traditional Wicca, once
members of a coven have learned all they need to know and
been elevated through the degrees, their next step is not to
take a place within the coven, but to "hive off"
and form their own coven, taking the place of the the
teacher with a new set of students. Most learning is
spiritual rather than academic and probably most closely
resembles that of an eastern seeker and guru (although the
term "guru" in Neo-Pagan circles is considered
pejorative). This type of "teaching" relationship
is virtually unknown in the Ásatrú community.
This
type of "teaching" relationship is virtually
unknown in the Ásatrú community. Learning the faith is
generally in terms much closer to mainstream academic study.
Where a newcomer to Wicca is usually placed into classes
with a High Priestess involving spiritual exercises, a
newcomer to Ásatrú is likely to be handed a booklist or
referred to a local college. The focus of any education
tends to be strictly academic involving history,
archaeology, and mythology. Students are left to their own
initiative and a "teacher" if there is one,
generally suggests new sources that might be of interest.
Inter-Group
Strata
On the wider scale, Wiccans who identify their approach
toward mystery religion in similar ways may identify
themselves as part of a "tradition," i.e., a sect
with mutual roots and practices. Wiccans often regard their
"tradition" as being explicitly unique to other
traditions within Wicca in various spirito-magical ways, and
they often (sometimes) jokingly taunt one another on various
merits that have to do with the "validity" of
their tradition's practice. Thus, for Wiccans, social
rallying flags are determined by the kind of practice to be
engaged in, which in turn is identified as a
"tradition." Ásatrúar, on the other hand, tend
to be even more decentralized. While Ásatrú groups often
associate themselves with larger networks (e.g., Ásatrú
Alliance, Ring of Troth, Raven Kindred Association, Vinland
Ásatrú Association), the reasons for doing so seem far
more based in social ties, administrative coordination, or
convenient geographical location than a desire for
"magical lineage," which is a central theme
underlying the genealogy of the prototype of Wiccan
traditions, Gardnerianism. This lineage of a Wiccan
tradition has strong connotations concerning matters of
"validity," i.e., in order to be socially accepted
by colleagues in the same tradition, some means of
conformity in ritual format or practice (even if minor in
scope) can be expected. In terms of "validity,"
Ásatrú is both more and less accepting of diversity.
Ásatrú tends to be much less inclusive of differences in
the overall community. Individuals draw the line at
different places, but it is accepted that there are certain
things which simply aren't Ásatrú. On the other hand,
within those boundaries, there is much less intra-community
rivalry or grouping on the basis of minor variations in
practice. Those groups which have tried to set themselves
aside as separate, more valid, or "elite" have
become suspect and quickly disappeared. Wicca has wide
extra-community boundaries and narrow intra-community ones,
where Ásatrú has narrower extra-community borders and
virtually non-existent intra-community ones. In other words,
Wiccans will accept almost anything as Wiccan, but
individual groups within Wicca will draw sharp distinctions
between each other. Ásatrúar will frequently reject people
claiming they are "not Ásatrú" (or more often
that they are "too Wiccan"), but once accepted as
Ásatrú, there are little distinctions made between groups.
Ritual
Complexity
Because of Wicca's historical background in ceremonial
magic, Wiccan rituals are generally fairly complex. The mean
format is easy to locate in any decent book on the subject:
consecrate elements, cast circle, call Quarters, sanctify
ritual space with the elements, invoke Goddess (etc.), do
working(s) at hand, symbolic Great Rite, wine & cakes,
and close the whole thing up with a reversal of the opening
process. While this is not necessarily a universal, it is
nonetheless true that the standard Wiccan ritual features a
series of interconnected little rites that make up the
overall ritual experience. Certainly, the ritual may (and
frequently is) reduced to simpler practices, but the
acknowledged general ritual remains a complex matter.
Ásatrú rituals, on the other hand, are generally simple
and straightforward. For a basic devotional blot, all the
pious Ásatrúar would simply need is a suitable location, a
little time away from the telephone, and a beverage to
libate. Even the most complex blot or sumbel remains a
ritually simple affair, with the majority of the event being
the circulation of a horn among the participants, whereas
Wiccans devote a great deal of time and energy toward the
creation of their sacred space even before anything is done
with it. Ásatrúar may, of course, elaborate on their
rituals, involving readings from the Havamal, or oracular
work, or whatever, but the general ritual remains simple. To
significantly change their ritual structure (for whatever
reason), Wiccans often find themselves simplifying something
already complex. Ásatrúar attempting to change their
standard structures often find themselves making a simple
ritual more elaborate.
Current
Literary Sources
While this distinction is heavily dependent on the current
literary trends, this is nevertheless an interesting matter
to point out. Over the last decade, the majority of books
that prospective or practicing Wiccans seem to be purchasing
tend to be very general texts, usually published by
"occult" or "New Age" publishers, that,
in some cases, would receive substantial critique if they
were subjected to solid academic inspection. Some Wiccans,
for better or worse, seem to freely accept printed
information that may be considered outright revisionist or
hyperdiffusionist as well. This is not to say that Wiccans
are necessarily gullible, but it does suggest that there are
folks involved with Wicca who would rather believe
information that supported what they desired it to report
rather than what was solid factual data. Genuine cases in
point would be books which assert that the Celts came from
Atlantis, or that every benefit to society is strictly
attributable to women, or that Whom ancient cultures
embraced as the Gods were actually extraterrestrials paying
regular visits to planet Earth. To be sure, there are prime
texts on folklore and other subjects that Wiccans frequently
use, and most of these books have been in use longer than
the "witchcrap." Many reputable Wiccans have
strong research backgrounds (the writer is personally
acquainted with one New England coven that consists almost
entirely of Ph.D.'s in Greco-Roman culture). But at the same
time, there has been a recent influx of less-than-detailed
information being made available on the occult book market,
and much to the chagrin of some older-school Wiccans and
stauncher traditionalists, the newest wave of Wiccans seems
to heavily influenced by this questionable information.
Certainly, Ásatrúar are exposed to the same problems. Just
as Wiccans may exist who claim that the Celts came from
Atlantis, it is equally likely that there are Ásatrúar who
believe that the "Kensington Runestone" is a
genuine artifact, or that Eric the Red actually built a
community near Boston Harbor. There have also been
occasional releases of dubious books by the New Age press on
Norse Paganism, but such books have been almost universally
rejected and in some cases such materials and those who cite
them have been openly mocked. This fringe aside, there is a
general trend for Ásatrúar to rely more on detailed (and
often esoteric) academic sources than their Wiccan cousins.
This has been a source of frustration for some Ásatrúar
who may not have explored such sources, but it is
nevertheless true that many Ásatrúar exist whose research
is on par with that of any good folklorist.
Interest in linguistics is a particular demonstration of
this. There are Wiccans who have made the effort to learn
tongues such as Welsh or Gaelic, but these folks seem to be
few in number when compared to those Ásatrúar who made the
effort to learn Old Norse, Icelandic, Saxon, German, or Old
English for no other reason than religious pleasure and the
ability to read original textual sources in these languages.
Many Wiccans have resigned themselves to learning about
their practices through books that would probably never
survive a graduate student review. Many Ásatrúar are
learning dead or esoteric languages just so they can learn
about their practices from the most primary sources
possible. This is significant. In each community, this trend
may be strongly linked towards their position as faiths of
reification. Wiccan connection to the past often involves
easily disproved claims of direct historical lineage. It's
emphasis is largely on esoteric experience rather than
exoteric education. Ásatrú's claim to the past is
acknowledged to be indirect, and relies solely on
reproducing the ancient religion through historical
research. Lore retrieved from esoteric sources is to be
verified by historical research rather than taken on its own
terms. Thus, in terms of reification, Ásatrú validity is
buoyed by historical knowledge, while Wicca may often be
disappointed by it.
Behavior
To Non-Adherents
Wiccans, as a rule of thumb, do not and will not
proselytize. Wiccans tend to be extremely giving on matters
of religion, and it can be argued that the one great
contribution to Western society that Wicca will leave us
with is a greater appreciation for social tolerance. While
this has some obvious and lasting benefits, there are also
some highly-ecumenical Wiccans who express so much tolerance
for the beliefs of others that they may even incorporate
non-Pagan belief elements into their practices. To this day,
the matter of whether Wicca is or is not miscible with
Christianity is a debate that remains in some areas. It may
be surprising then that, at the same time, there are Wiccans
who refer to non-Wiccans with a somewhat derisive term:
"cowans." Ásatrúar, on the other hand, do not
seem to have a particular taboo against proselytizing,
although its practice is rare. Ásatrúar may be found
joking that their religion is destined for the world, and
the fact that some groups produce leaflets and tracts for
distribution suggests this. One might guess then that
Ásatrúar would also have a term for those not affiliated
with them, but while they have a term for members of their
religion: "the Folk," no term exists for those not
of the Folk. Some Ásatrúar will half-sarcastically,
half-humorously deliberately misspell the word
"Christian" ("cristian," "kristjan,"
etc.) to represent rebellion against those who usurped the
sacred sites of the Elder Gods. Ásatrúar will also feel
free to criticize those among their number who do not live
up to the virtues of Ásatrú. Wiccans have a similar habit,
with the term "warlocking" becoming popular one,
referring to those within the community who are vindictive
gossips or otherwise viciously betray the Craft. Such folks
may be blacklisted as "warlocks."
Socio-Political
Beliefs
The
overall partisan political interests between Wiccans and
Ásatrúar are generally polarized. In reality, it is most
likely that a wide political spectrum exists for both Pagan
denominations, but judging from socio-political commentary
in the various Wiccan and Ásatrú journals and newsletters,
it can be safely asserted that Wiccans tend toward liberal,
egalitarian, and even socialist politics. Ásatrú, on the
other hand, tend to express more conservative, libertarian,
and sometimes far right-wing ideologies. In purely social
terms, both Ásatrú and Wicca possess some central moral
principles, but the differences between them are noteworthy.
Compared to Ásatrúar, Wiccans, it would seem, do not share
a common thread of moral principles and values. The main
statement of moral principle in Wicca is the Wiccan Rede,
"an it harm none, do what you will." This is a
flexible and very subjective statement open to individual
interpretation. Moral principles are generally ambiguous,
almost of minor concern, to many Wiccans. The Wiccan Rede is
certainly an indicator of principle, but its stringency
seems to be based on advice (indeed, some versions of the
Rede refer to it as "the Advice of the Wise Ones")
rather than defining characteristics. Wicca's attitude on
morality is also personal, and personal decisions are seen
as above questioning by others. Perhaps this interpretation
is a little pessimistic, and if so, we would suggest that
the current dilution of Wiccan ideology through its current
over-popularization may be the cause. There was a time, in
the memory of the Wiccan co-author of this article, when the
Craft featured as much a interest in personal honor as
Ásatrú does today. However, unlike Ásatrú, and with rare
exception (such as Fitch's "Wiccan's Rede of
Chivalry" or various tenets of faith applied by
individual Craft traditions), Wicca does not tend to
postulate strict principles for its adherents. It could be
said that Wicca's main moral principle is that of
situational ethics and that it views most issues as being
shades of gray rather than black or white. Ásatrú possess
a common thread of principle in the Nine Virtues: Courage,
Truth, Honor, Fidelity, Discipline, Hospitality,
Industriousness, Self-Reliance, and Perseverance. These are
specific, and many slightly differing versions of the list
exist, most often accompanied by essays detailing the place
that each virtue should have in an Ásatrúar's life. Like
Wicca, Ásatrú tends towards an internally motivated moral
attitude rather than external motivations, but if moral
decisions are not internally directed to the community's
liking, Ásatrúar are not shy about letting others know
their opinion and can be quite judgmental.
Given
its history, Wicca may be described as being a generally
counter-cultural phenomenon. This is supported by various
facts, ranging from Gerald Gardner's interest in naturism
(nudism) during a sexually repressive period, as well as the
fact that much of contemporary Wicca developed alongside the
hippie movement of the 1960s. Even Aleister Crowley (who,
while not an example of Wicca, still remains a figure of
interest to many Wiccans) is a character who may clearly
represent a challenge to social conformity and status-quo.
Socially, Wicca seeks to challenge various societal factors
ranging from gender stratification and patriarchy to the
"empowering" of individuals. Ásatrú, on the
other hand, is cultural. This is clear, if for any reason,
because it is firmly based on the characteristics of a
specific group of related cultures (Scandinavian, German,
Anglo-Saxon, etc.). Ásatrúar are more likely to join
societies such as the Sons of Norway than a Wiccan may be.
Most importantly, where Ásatrú finds fault with the
dominant culture, it generally wants a return to traditional
conservative cultural values rather than a radical change in
them. Many Ásatrúar have expressed their general support
for the notion that America must return to "basic
family values" (although they may disagree with other
conservatives about exactly what those values are). In fact,
many of the traits of modern culture that Ásatrúar
criticize are those which are supported by the Wiccan
community. For example, many Ásatrú are horrified by the
social nudity and casual sexual ethics of Wiccan-based
Neo-Pagan gatherings and some go so far as to view such
gatherings as morally unhealthy places. Further, it's
mythopoetic foundation in warrior motifs sets Ásatrú apart
from Wiccan attitudes toward nonviolence. Here, a central
tenet of Wicca may be compared to Ásatrú: among a series
of other poetic ethical codes, the Wiccan Rede advises
"An it harm none, do what you will." For many
Wiccans, one interpretive meaning here is plain: fulfill
your deepest goals provided that you don't hurt anybody.
Here then is a clear and present distinction that separates
Wicca from Ásatrú. While Ásatrúar are not necessarily
out to hurt people, they also do not possess any particular
occult admonishment to avoid doing so and often regard
conflict as an inevitable part of living on earth. Another
major difference between the two religions is the social
class from which each draws its members. Class in America is
an important source of values and social boundaries, and the
differences outlined above in many ways correspond to a
working/middle class split. Wiccan groups overwhelmingly
tend to be from the middle class. People are generally
college educated and work in professional or service sector
jobs. It is part of that community's self-mythology that
Wiccans are not well off financially, but those who aren't
tend to be downwardly mobile persons of middle-class origin.
Ásatrú is still very much a middle class phenomenon, but
also draws heavily from the working class. Even among
Ásatrúar who are middle class, many are upwardly mobile
persons from working class backgrounds who more closely
mirror working class social and political values. Perhaps
most importantly in consideration of socio-economic status,
Ásatrúar tend to place a high value on financial success
while many Wiccans are disdainful of capitalist society. The
socio-political differences between the two communities
cannot be underemphasized and are a major cause for friction
between the two communities. The general political
tendencies of each community tend to be inflated by the
other into the most radical levels.
Thus,
Ásatrúar think of Wiccans as communist drug-addicted
homosexual nudists on welfare, while Wiccans see Ásatrúar
as militaristic drunken gun-crazy gay-bashing nazis. This
is, of course, an exaggeration, but when significant
differences do come to the forefront, these stereotypes are
brought out to bash each other with and are a major cause
for separation between the two communities.
Communication
and Language Use
One of the most significant social differences between Wicca
and Ásatrú is their use of language and the way they
communicate. More conflict between the two communities can
be traced to this than any other factor. Wiccans tend to
speak in a very conditional manner, often using the passive
voice. The general mode of communication is quiet,
cooperative, and seeks consensus, which parallels the Wiccan
worldview of an orderly and harmonic universe. Most
statements are usually accompanied by a conversational hook,
with which the other person can help his conversational
partner to save face in the event of disagreement by
affirming the validity of the opposite argument.
Conversations tend to be in quiet and reasoned tones.
Ásatrúar tend to speak in a very direct method using
declarative sentences, tending to cite things in a black and
white and often simplistic manner. The general method of
communication is to state ones position with the expectation
that ones opposite will state theirs and either agreement or
argument will ensue. Consensus and compromise is rarely the
object. This verbal sparring mirrors the general focus on
conflict in the religion. A standoff between strong but
disagreeing positions (i.e., agreeing to disagree) is
generally seen as preferable to compromise. Face saving is
seen to be the individuals own responsibility, to be
obtained by demonstrating not only the validity of ones
beliefs, but how strongly one holds them. Conversations tend
to be fast paced and often in emotional tones. Any conflict
and anger brought forth in debate is generally dismissed as
necessary to the process and quickly forgotten; although
when it is not, it tends to create long term grudges.
These
differing methods of communication naturally set up an easy
to follow pattern of communication, or rather
miscommunication, between Wiccans and Ásatrúar. The Wiccan
begins with a statement of where he or she stands on an
issue. The statement is conditioned with one or two phrases
such as "in my opinion" meant to allow their
opposite room for compromise in the event of disagreement.
The Ásatrúar, upon hearing this, assumes that because the
Wiccan has conditioned his statement, that it is loosely
held and subject to revision or correction. He or she
replies very directly that he feels the Wiccan's position is
incorrect and supports evidence as to why. Up to this point,
each party has acted exactly as their community standards
lead them to react. The Ásatrúar expects the Wiccan to
either accept the reasoning or to refute it. The Wiccan is
simply stunned. He or she feels they have made a polite
statement and had it answered in a rude and disrespectful
manner. At this point, he has already decided the
conversation is without purpose and attempts to end it by
agreeing to the validity of the Ásatrúar's opinion, but
restating his own, this time even more conditionally. This
is a common way to end such a conversation in the Wiccan
community, but the Ásatrúar sees it in an entirely
different light. Smelling rhetorical blood, he or she
strongly dismisses the Wiccan's opinion and even more
strongly restates his own. The Wiccan now feels insulted
beyond tolerance. He replies angrily, not concerning the
original subject of the conversation, but chastising the
Ásatrúar's behavior. The Ásatrúar is shocked by this
reaction and asks what the problem is. Assuming the problem
is obvious to everyone involved, the Wiccan turns and
leaves. The two part, the Wiccan convinced the Ásatrúar is
a rude and insensitive jerk trying to force his opinions on
others, the Ásatrúar convinced he is the victim of yet
another attempt at politically correct censorship by someone
who can't defend his own beliefs.
Conclusions
The prospects for Wiccan/Ásatrú interaction are extremely
troublesome. The differences as we have outlined them here
span a huge range, from theology to personal philosophy. It
would, perhaps, not be too great a stretch to say that
Ásatrú and Wicca have nothing significant in common that
they do not share with faiths that aren't considered to be
Neo-Pagan. Nonetheless, there continues to be an interaction
oriented around both faiths claim to the nebulous term
"Pagan," and it should be noted that this article
was based on a workshop taught by an Ásatrúar and a Wiccan
at a Pagan festival of mixed attendance, organized largely
by a Norse Pagan group identifying neither as Wiccan nor
Ásatrú. There are things that we can learn from one
another, but in order for successful interfaith interaction
to take place we must first understand each other.